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  • The business of sex global

    05.11.2017

    The combination of international pressure, robust social demand, and the training and leadership of police can make significant inroads against sex trafficking. He ends with his ideas on a framework for reducing demand, a Kara went all over the world researching sex trafficking and shares what he found in this excellent book. He proposes solutions without glibness and deeply explores the roots and reality of the problem without hopelessness. He also comprehensively analyzes the economic factors that draw desperate women, minorities, and children to migrate to richer countries. Banning police from red-light districts may protect sex workers from official abuse, but it limits the prospect of rescuing children and slaves from exploitation by perpetrators other than corrupt police—namely the traffickers, pimps, and mamasans madams who are making a killing off them. I also found it a bit ironic that the author clearly thinks it was a bad idea for America to "force" it's style of capitalism on the rest of the world, yet he's suggesting we should essentially "force" our style of morality and justice on other countries in regards to slavery. The success of such associations in India and Thailand in protecting their members from police violence and in encouraging condom use has persuaded some human rights leaders that they are a viable alternative to law enforcement. Chief among these tactics is circumventing corrupt police with a new force consisting of international police and local law enforcement, pursuant to a new antislavery convention.

    The business of sex global


    And he off ers seven tactics for increasing investigations and reducing corruption in police departments and judiciaries. He proposes solutions without glibness and deeply explores the roots and reality of the problem without hopelessness. Banning police also denies non-trafficked sex workers protection from abusive customers, pimps, and managers, and it eliminates the possibility of perpetrator accountability. I've read a number of books on trafficking, and I think this is the best summary so far. Still, jail terms for traffickers are rare. But the clear progress seen in Phnom Penh over the past five years suggests that we should not reject the approach of making local public justice systems work for the poor and vulnerable before it truly has been tried. I also found his suggestion of using the terms "slave trading" and "slavery" instead of the sometimes misleading "trafficking" useful. Donor nations are about as likely to create and fund a slavery intervention force as slavery-plagued governments are to submit to it. This book gave insight into modern slavery. Given the extent of police violence against women and men in the commercial sex industry, it is little wonder that human rights activists seeking protection for them are enthusiastic about sex worker organizations that effectively limit police access to portions of their brothel neighborhoods altogether. While the author mainly focused on forced prostitution, he also covered other types of forced labor and slavery. Kara departs from traditional human rights reporting, however, by also analyzing the economics of the profits to be had from modern-day slave trading in the commercial sex industry. She previously served as the U. He included many stories of slaves and ex-slaves to give a face to slavery and to demonstrate the variety of ways women are enslaved. If you're curious, I think America has some pretty good--though not perfect--systems of doing things. He ends with his ideas on a framework for reducing demand, a Kara went all over the world researching sex trafficking and shares what he found in this excellent book. Holly Burkhalter is vice president of government relations at the International Justice Mission, a human rights agency that secures justice for victims of slavery, sexual exploitation, and other forms of violent oppression. Kara includes five case studies—India and Nepal, Italy and Western Europe, Moldova and the Former Soviet Union, Albania and the Balkans, and Thailand and the Mekong Subregion—and in each one he tells a story of government complicity in trafficking and the ubiquitous police violence against women and children in the commercial sex industry. Victims frequently testify that police raped and arrested them, shook down brothel owners for bail money, or returned them to slave owners when they tried to run away. After 30 years in the human rights movement, I find it unlikely that the international community will create a force to confront trafficking in a Bombay brothel when it has failed to protect Darfurians from genocide in Sudan. He ends with his ideas on a framework for reducing demand, and he supports his suggestions in an analytical approach which isn't pie in the sky but focuses on the actual dollars and cents of the business. The author also gave detailed economic breakdowns of the profitability of forced labor and explained how these economics can be changed to make slavery economically less desirable. What are we to do, then? The combination of international pressure, robust social demand, and the training and leadership of police can make significant inroads against sex trafficking. Banning police from red-light districts may protect sex workers from official abuse, but it limits the prospect of rescuing children and slaves from exploitation by perpetrators other than corrupt police—namely the traffickers, pimps, and mamasans madams who are making a killing off them. He also comprehensively analyzes the economic factors that draw desperate women, minorities, and children to migrate to richer countries.

    The business of sex global

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